*** The following is based on a Politico Magazine article by Gábor Scheiring, a former member of the Hungarian Parliament, and a political professor at Georgetown University Qatar.
He’s back, and Trump’s goal this time is to remake the American government to enhance his power. He isn’t the first modern right-wing populist to attempt this — he is following a playbook pioneered by Hungary’s Viktor Orbán.
America’s democracy isn’t the first to face a threat from modern-day autocratic populism, and it isn’t a virus caught from the East, Russia, or Hungary. These regimes are built from within the democratic system, brought to power through legitimate elections.
Keep in mind the polar opposite of populism is elitism.
Viktor Orbán’s power grab was so successful it caught the attention of radicals like Steve Bannon and inspired JD Vance, and relied on two components: the populist hardware and software.
The software consists of a group of narratives made up of populist narratives and punching bags that are used to create and enlist the consent of the people.
- There’s the folksy outsider narrative, who might pretend to work at McDonald’s and order fast food at the White House, as a nod to the working class. The outsider is disrespected by the liberal elites.
- Anti-elitism focuses on dismantling the left-wing domination of education to reduce the influence of liberal ideas. JD Vance has labeled universities “the enemy,” and declares Orban’s approach in Hungary as a successful takedown.
- Anti-immigration narratives are a favorite of populists, which focus on the self-inflicted decline of civilization, weakened by the “liberal virus.”
- Economic nationalism punches down at everything from climate change policies to free trade agreements. Economic messages resonate with the working class.
Economic nationalist narratives used by right-wing populists glorify “makers” over “takers,” resonating with working-class voters who value hard work. This narrative also serves to cement an alliance between plutocrats, billionaires and workers, which might seem paradoxical, but it isn’t: They are all portrayed as hard-working value creators as opposed to “lazy bureaucrats” and “benefit scroungers.”
When economic and cultural grievances combine, it’s a potent force that creates consent for the autocrat to do what it takes to change the hardware.
The steps taken to change the hardware can be incremental, but if successful creates a formidable institutional power base that can keep the leader and his party in power permanently. Those steps include:
- Strengthening executive power via Project 2025, which mirrors Orban’s playbook. Dismantling the “administrative state” and pushing out disloyal officials, as well as controlling institutions like the Federal Reserve Board and the Federal Communications Commission.
- Disciplining the judiciary, by way of conservative appointments and firing disloyal attorneys, or simply disobeying judicial authorities.
- Changing electoral processes by manipulating rules and district boundaries.
- Controlling the media with centralized propaganda, market pressure and loyal billionaires, such as media tycoon Rupert Murdoch and Elon Musk who transformed X into the mouthpiece of populists, and seeks to receive protection and support for his alliance. Orban exerted the same control with the alliances of billionaires coupled with tax cuts, deregulation and expanded energy production.
- Securing control of the party with loyal outsiders as key allies, such as Lara Trump heading the RNC, and often unqualified loyalists as cabinet administrators to force the Republican Congress to bend to his will.
Now, the Good News: an Antidote
There’s a silver lining, so breathe.
Trump’s presidency will be painful for many, but democratic erosion is unlikely to reach Hungarian levels soon. That’s because the U.S. has a more robust political system, and Democrats and pro-democracy activists have a window to act before lasting institutional damage occurs.
There are three main points of resistance:
- The courts should be the first line of defense, although illiberal regimes often operate within legal boundaries, making them harder to challenge. Litigation or legal restrictions on populists also tend to backfire, boosting their image as outsiders fighting against an unjust system — as Trump has successfully accomplished.
What this means is that the fight against right-wing populism is primarily political.
Fighting for an independent media is crucial. There need to be news channels and media outlets for getting messages across to non-metropolitan areas dominated by far-right news sources. Liberal-minded billionaires should not sit idly by as they did in Hungary, watching the right take over the media. The New Right is also significantly more embedded in social media than liberals are. Those of us who favor democracy cannot let Elon Musks and Andrew Tates control the public discourse. Progressive influencers: Time to log in and post away — there’s a narrative battle to win.
- Fighting for states and cities is crucial to maintain an embedded liberal base throughout the country, in order to fight autocracy.
- The Democratic Party must reconnect with the working class to preserve liberal institutions. This includes strenthening local organizations such as labor unions to reach outside the Democratic base, during times outside of elections.
- Democratic party financing should shift from the corporate elite to small and micro-donations in order to push out reforms that will be opposed by elites. The focus of the party should be on things that matter, from the decline of middle America to inequality.
Championing issues like breaking the chokehold of pharmaceuticals over the health system, fighting inflation or increasing the minimum wage are key to overcoming the chasm separating low- and high-income Americans and would allow Democrats to regain their pro-worker bona fides.
Democrats need to visualize themselves as the working class, not condescending intellectual snobs. Go to McDonald’s and not the opera. Live the working class experience, embrace the mundane, and be down to earth.
Hungary’s key lesson is you don’t protect democracy by talking about democracy — you protect democracy by protecting people. Only a democracy that works for the people is sustainable.
If this article intrigued you, check out the link here, which is an overview of the level of freedom in Hungary as of 2023.
